Globally, democracies are experiencing a well-documented crisis in voter engagement and political participation (Kelm et al., 2023; Ohme et al., 2020; Ćorić et al., 2017; Gharaibeh, 2011). Governments do not operate in isolation; beyond implementing policies and delivering services, maintaining public trust is essential for democratic systems to function and thrive. In Jordan, public trust in the government’s commitment to fostering genuine political culture, particularly one that empowers youth as key agents of change, remains severely lacking (OECD, 2021). Trust, as widely understood, refers to “the willingness of a party to be vulnerable to the actions of another party, based on the expectation that the other party will perform a particular action, irrespective of the trustor’s ability to monitor or control” (Gracia & Arino, 2014). In this context, analysts described the 2020 Jordanian parliamentary election as “a strong indication of Jordanians’ disengagement in the process of political change and reform” (Fdailat, 2020, para. 9).

The 2020 election, like previous parliamentary contests, was marked by low participation, but it recorded the most dismal turnout rate to date, just 29.9%, the weakest in recent memory (Abu Hamoud & Alodat, 2024). This continues a worrying trend, with turnout in 2016 at only 36.13%. These persistent declines suggest more than just political apathy; they point to fundamental communication and engagement failures. Specifically, the inability to reach and motivate the broader public, especially irregular voters, presents an enduring challenge to democratic participation in Jordan.

Recent scholarly attention in Jordan has focused on institutional and procedural dimensions of electoral management, particularly the legislative framework governing the 2016 elections (Alkhawaldeh, 2020). While the COVID-19 pandemic undeniably affected the 2020 elections, it does not fully explain the record-low participation. As early as 2013, Ryan warned that genuine reform efforts must engage all elements of society—civil society groups, political opposition, and beyond—seeing them not as obstacles but as indispensable components of the political system (Ryan, 2013, p. 5). Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to explore the ongoing decline in political participation in Jordan, with specific attention to the 2020 parliamentary election.

This study also investigates the role of digital communication, specifically social media, in shaping public engagement during the 2020 election campaign. It focuses on two major Facebook platforms: the Independent Election Commission (IEC), Jordan’s constitutionally mandated body responsible for supervising elections (Independent Election Commission, 2024), and Almamlaka TV, a national broadcaster aiming to serve as “an independent, professional, and responsible public service media platform” (Almamlaka, 2024).

The aim of this research is twofold. First, it uses quantitative content analysis to explore the reasons behind the declining levels of political participation in Jordan’s parliamentary elections. Second, it addresses a gap in the literature by analyzing how election-related messages are framed and disseminated, with practical implications for governmental bodies, media institutions, and electoral authorities. The study also interrogates the role of political trust, which has been identified as a major determinant of voter disengagement; notably, the 2020 turnout collapse was attributed in part to a deepening trust crisis (Alsayoud, 2021). Finally, the research examines the application of political public relations (PR) strategies to the electoral process in Jordan.

Guided by this context, the study addresses the following six research questions:

RQ1: What topics did Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission’s Facebook pages publish during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election?

RQ2: What frames were employed by these Facebook pages during the election?

RQ3: What types of PR appeals were used in the content shared?

RQ4: What was the focus of the Facebook content during the election campaign?

RQ5: Did the selected platforms employ political PR strategies to engage voters, and if so, how?

RQ6: How can we better understand voter behavior in Jordan?

Digital political PR and voter engagement: Moving the election process forward?

Political public relations (PR) plays a pivotal role in shaping political discourse and driving voter engagement, particularly during election campaigns (Eshbaugh-Soha, 2019; Choy, 2018; Baines, 2011; Molony & Colmer, 2001). In recent years, social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become essential tools in this domain (Silva & Proksch, 2022; Kreiss & McGregor, 2018; Sinčić Ćorić et al., 2017; LaMarre & Suzuki-Lambrecht, 2013). Both politicians (Stier et al., 2018) and governments (Nabatchi & Amsler, 2014) increasingly utilize digital political PR to build trust and relationships with the public. As Sweetser (2011, p. 294) notes, digital political PR not only informs and engages but also mobilizes publics through digital tools, taking cocreational communication to a new level.

This study responds to calls in the literature to advance beyond functionalist and technical approaches to PR, exploring its potential as a mechanism for meaningful political engagement (Susila et al., 2020; Roper & Hurst, 2021). It represents one of the first scholarly efforts to address political PR in the Jordanian context, where PR is predominantly practiced within corporate or administrative settings—such as municipalities (Abu Rumman & Alzeyadat, 2021), public institutions (Hissi, 2021; Mansour, 2014), universities (Al-Adwan, 2016), and the police (Al-Kasasbeh, 2015). In Jordan, political PR is not yet seen as a strategic bridge between political institutions and the public—a gap that this research seeks to fill.

The literature emphasizes the need to reconnect political communication with the public, especially in contexts of eroding trust and rising demand for democratic reform. Stromback and Kiousis (2011, p. 2) highlight the lack of integrated theorization linking PR, political communication, and political science. In Jordan, this disconnect is acutely felt as public dissatisfaction with the political process grows. As Aldabas (2023, p. 3) argues, rebuilding political stability cannot be achieved through rhetoric alone. Instead, there is a pressing need for a more professionalized, strategic political communication approach—one rooted in engagement, trust-building, and what De Beus (2011) calls "PR democracy."

Substantial research supports the view that political PR can be a powerful driver of public engagement and political change (Trayner, 2017). Holladay and Coombs (2013) note that political actors with strong PR knowledge are better positioned to promote transparent democratic processes. Effective PR practitioners can influence public attitudes, foster support for reform, and build trust in institutions (Benecke et al., 2017; Johnston & Lavine, 2012). This aligns with Bernays’ view of PR as an enduring societal function, combining communication and action to “inform, persuade, or integrate people with people” (Stromback & Kiousis, 2011, p. 1).

The current study is therefore timely, particularly in light of Jordan’s declining voter turnout. Participation dropped from 53% in 2007 and 54% in 2010 to 36.13% in 2016, 29.9% in 2020, and 32.25% in 2024. These figures highlight a persistent political crisis that demands targeted PR strategies aimed at restoring public trust and engagement. Saffer et al. (2019, p. 3) describe engagement as a dynamic, multidimensional relational concept involving psychological and behavioral attributes such as interaction, participation, and involvement. This notion of engagement aligns closely with the mission of Jordan’s Independent Election Commission (IEC), whose founding objective is “to ensure the transparency of the elections and regaining the people’s trust in the electoral process” (IEC, 2024).

Despite its importance, engagement in Jordanian elections has remained largely superficial. While public engagement is often mentioned in policy documents, it is rarely implemented in practice. For example, the IEC’s strategic planning documents emphasize internal capacity building but omit meaningful strategies for engaging the public. This gap is particularly troubling given the country’s long-standing political challenges, such as low trust in institutions, voter apathy, and weak citizen-government communication.

Empirical studies confirm this trend. Alhammad et al. (2021) found that Almamlaka TV was the most-watched outlet for political awareness during the 2020 election, while the IEC’s brochures, social media, and seminars were among the least used tools. Similarly, Alkhawaldeh (2020) notes that traditional methods such as posters, SMS campaigns, and printed handouts were heavily relied upon in 2016. Yet these efforts lacked strategic coordination, particularly in their failure to connect with the public’s concerns and attitudes. These findings suggest that political PR in Jordan suffers not from absence, but from misapplication and underutilization in contexts where reform is urgently needed.

If the government were to adopt a strategic public engagement framework, different electoral outcomes could be realized. Although this may sound overly optimistic, the literature supports the idea that engagement is a powerful mechanism for solving political and social crises (Murunga et al., 2024). Hence, EirGrid (2020) demonstrates that: Effective public engagement focused on social acceptance - “work towards solutions that have…public support”; capacity - “increase our public engagement capacity and invest in our people and tools; and partnerships- renew and revitalise our existing alliances - and develop new ones. (as cited in Boyle et al., 2024, p. 4)

To increase voter turnout, political communication must go beyond passive messaging and toward motivational and participatory strategies. As Formanchuk (2019) notes, motivation in PR is not simply about encouragement—it is about providing reasons and incentives for action. In Jordan’s context, political reforms cannot succeed unless public opinion is actively and sincerely engaged. PR professionals must therefore be empowered within government institutions to participate in strategic decision-making and represent public perspectives, not just institutional agendas (Kiousis & Stromback, 2011, p. 316).

Finally, applying the framework of Sriramesh and Vercic (2009, 2019, as cited in Dhanesh & Duthler, 2019, p. 71), this study argues that effective PR thrives in pluralistic, democratic societies. For Jordan to move forward with credible reforms, political PR must become a central component of its governance and electoral strategies, focused not only on visibility but on dialogue, trust-building, and sustained engagement.

This study employed a quantitative research design through the use of content analysis, focusing on the Facebook pages of Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission of Jordan. Content analysis was selected as the primary method of data collection and interpretation due to its capacity to systematically examine communication patterns and infer meaning from textual and visual data. Krippendorff (2004) defines content analysis as “a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter to the contexts of their use)” (as cited in White & Marsh, 2006, pp. 23–27). This method has proven particularly effective in communication and political science research, as it accommodates diverse data types and allows researchers to address complex questions concerning media content and strategic messaging (White & Marsh, 2006). Similarly, Sayre (1992) asserts that content analysis is well-suited for studying the overt communicative behavior of media actors and for understanding how messages are constructed to influence audiences (as cited in Vespestad & Clancy, 2021).

Therefore, the application of content analysis in this study enabled the systematic investigation of the communication styles, themes, and strategic appeals employed by the two selected platforms. The aim was to uncover how these public-facing organizations utilized political public relations tools to engage voters and influence public perception in the lead-up to the 2020 parliamentary elections.

Sampling

This study analyzed content drawn from the official Facebook pages of Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission. These platforms were purposefully selected due to their central role in representing the government’s official electoral communication. The selection of Facebook as the social media platform of focus was also intentional, given the high penetration and active usage of Facebook among Jordanians. In August 2022, there were approximately 7,219,200 Facebook users in Jordan, comprising 67.3% of the total population, with males accounting for 54.8% of users (Al-Saidat et al., 2023, p. 2458). This demographic data underscores the platform’s significance as a communication channel capable of reaching a broad and diverse audience.

The time frame for data collection extended from August 9 to November 10, 2020, covering the critical pre-election and election period. A total of 992 Facebook posts—882 from Almamlaka TV and 110 from the Independent Election Commission—were analyzed. This period was strategically chosen to capture the communication dynamics leading up to the parliamentary election held on November 10, 2020. The focus was on identifying how these two institutions structured their digital content in relation to voter mobilization, public trust, and political participation.

Throughout the coding process, seven core analytical categories emerged: multimedia tools, effects, focus, topics, framing, appeals, and digital engagement. These categories were developed inductively based on the data and refined through iterative coding to ensure alignment with the study’s research objectives and questions. Each category was clearly defined and operationalized to maintain coding consistency and analytical depth.

To ensure reliability and validity, multiple measures were undertaken. First, a category codebook was developed, detailing the operational definitions of each theme to support replicable coding decisions. Second, expert validation was conducted by having the content analysis reviewed by independent scholars in the field. Their feedback was incorporated to enhance both the construct validity and the clarity of the analytical categories. Third, a reliability check was performed through intercoder reliability procedures; although the specific coefficients are not detailed here, consistency in the coding process was a primary concern and was carefully monitored to reduce subjectivity and error.

The analysis focused on the formal characteristics of election-related news, including multimedia techniques, visual effects, headline usage, and content features such as topics, frames, and appeals.

Multimedia channels

The following table shows the multimedia tools used to highlight the importance of the election.

The research question—How can we comprehend voter behavior in Jordan?—can be addressed by examining the relationship between the communication and engagement strategies employed by governmental institutions, as reflected in the selected research sample, and the persistently low voter turnout in parliamentary elections. The 2024 election, with a turnout of only 32.25%, further underscores this disconnect. These findings suggest that, in the absence of a deliberate and strategic application of political public relations, particularly the proactive and strategic involvement of PR practitioners (Kiousis & Strömbäck, 2011), efforts to translate Jordan’s political reform agenda into tangible outcomes will continue to fall short.

To address this persistent issue, it is essential that political communication in Jordan evolves beyond routine messaging to embrace a more sophisticated, trust-oriented, and dialogic approach. Political PR must be embedded in both the planning and execution of electoral strategies, not as an auxiliary function but as a core component of public governance and reform.

Furthermore, we recommend that future research explore the role of political PR in managing voter turnout during periods of crisis, particularly in contexts marked by political distrust or instability. Understanding how electoral timing interacts with public sentiment and engagement levels is crucial. PR practitioners, equipped with crisis communication strategies, can support public engagement even under adverse conditions by promoting clarity, fostering trust, and reframing political discourse.

In this regard, it is vital to acknowledge “the influence of political public relations on the antecedents, processes, and consequences of crisis management and communication” (Kiousis & Strömbäck, 2011, p. 321). Without integrating this understanding into electoral planning, Jordan risks perpetuating a cycle of voter apathy, disillusionment, and political stagnation. Thus, political PR should not only support government narratives but also actively shape democratic engagement by encouraging inclusive, transparent, and credible communication practices.

Acknowledgement Statement: The authors would like to thank to all participants and the reviewers for providing comments in helping this manuscript to completion.

Conflicts of interest: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Authors' contribution statements: Sarah A. Okour and Khalaf Alhammad performed the experiment. Sarah A. Okour wrote the manuscript with support from Khalaf Alhammad. Sarah A. Okour and Khalaf Alhammad fabricated the sample, and Sarah A. Okour supervised the project..

Funding statements: As there was no external funding received for this research, the study was conducted without financial support from any funding agency or organization.

Data availability statement: Data is available at request. Please contact the corresponding author for any additional information on data access or usage.

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